How does daniel have an anti assimilation thrust

Search Menu. Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article Navigation. Volume University of California at Los Angeles. Direct correspondence to: Irene I. Email: irenevega ucla. Oxford Academic. Google Scholar. Vilma Ortiz. Anti-immigrant ideology has gained mainstream acceptance, infiltrated policy implementation, been used as a wedge issue to scare constituents and become the fodder of media personalities who regularly demonize immigrants to a wide audience.

They frame their messages as reasonable and valid but are promoting xenophobia and preventing a reasonable conversation about real reform to address real challenges in the immigration system. They are also elevating the anxiety about immigration across the country. While the majority of the extreme anti-immigrant sentiment in the U.

A decade ago, most of this bigotry was directed primarily at Latino immigrants, but today, Muslim and Haitian immigrants, among others, are also targeted. In the last ten years, there has been a mainstreaming of these groups. They have influenced policy at the state and federal levels. Anti-immigrant groups and their spokespeople are frequently featured by mainstream media outlets, which promote their ideas to an ever-larger audience, including government officials. Staff members of these groups often testify before Congress, which also helps promulgate their views.

In , ADL published a report exposing the individuals and groups who were, at the time, taking the lead in shifting anti-immigrant rhetoric from the confines of hate groups into the mainstream.

The report provides an overview of the anti-immigrant movement in this country and describes anti-immigrant myths and conspiracies that fuel the anti-immigrant movement; the anti-immigrant groups that influence the current atmosphere, including anti-Muslim groups that focus on immigration; the impact of the presidential race and the subsequent role of the current Administration in mainstreaming anti-immigrant ideology through policies and rhetoric; the rise in hate crimes against vulnerable populations and in hateful rhetoric directed at immigrants; political candidates who promote anti-immigrant views; the role of media and social media in promulgating anti-immigrant beliefs; the part white supremacists play in spreading anti-immigrant hatred and, finally, offers recommendations for the government, media and general public to stop the proliferation of anti-immigrant ideas and policies in this country.

Our current immigration framework is the product of past debates and political compromises. Over the course of time, programs that were intended for one purpose, like the Green Card lottery, evolved, and major gaps came to light, like what to do with the millions of undocumented immigrants who came to America, participated in the economy, raised American children, and had no way to become documented.

The s saw several failed bipartisan efforts to fix the cracks in the system. In , Senator Harry Reid introduced the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of , a combination of several bills introduced by Senators Ted Kennedy, John McCain, John Cornyn, John Kyl and Arlen Specter, which would have created a pathway for citizenship for undocumented immigrants, tightened family reunification rules, increased border security and created a merit-based system of immigration.

The bill, which had the strong support of President Bush, was widely criticized on the right and left and failed to pass the Senate. It allows undocumented individuals who were brought to the U. The bill, which passed the Senate in June of that year, was an effort to comprehensively reform the immigration system.

It included a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants, increased border security measures, and changes to various visa programs. The bill was never taken up by the House. This lack of success in fixing the system opened the door to more extreme voices that oppose immigration of any kind, whose concerns are often based in racism and bigotry, and who have infiltrated the debate under the guise of representing mainstream conservative points of view.

In , then-candidate Trump adopted the language and policy prescriptions of these groups. And some, I assume, are good people. In these debates, immigrants are characterized as outsiders who purportedly threaten the lives and well-being of native-born Americans.

And those immigrants and refugees from developing and war-torn countries will be particularly vulnerable and could become more marginalized than they are already.

In October , a caravan of Central American migrants fleeing violence and poverty began making their way toward the United States, where they hoped to seek asylum. The caravan quickly became the target of anti-immigrant pundits and politicians as did an April U. Echoing government officials, media personalities also stoked fears about the caravan. She asserted. We have people who are criminals and thugs. I have received intelligence…that special interest aliens, jihadists, people from a different hemisphere are using this weakness on our border to bring problems to the United States.

This is a national security issue. In October , President Trump also took on the issue of birthright citizenship, which is enshrined in the 14th Amendment of the U. President Trump also said that he could end birthright citizenship by executive order rather than a via Constitutional amendment. Paul Ryan R-WI. There is a distinct anti-immigrant movement in this country, whose roots can be traced back to the s.

In their worldview, non-citizens do not enjoy any status or privilege, and any path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants or refugees is portrayed as a threat to current citizens.

Like some other problematic movements, the anti-immigrant movement also has a more extreme wing, which includes border vigilante groups, as well as groups and individuals that seek to demonize immigrants by using racist, sometimes threatening language. In addition to the anti-immigrant movement, there are four other segments of the far right that have significant anti-immigrant sentiments.

These are 1 the white supremacist movement, including the alt right, which consists of a loose network of racists and anti-Semites who reject mainstream conservatism in favor of politics that embrace implicit or explicit racist, anti-Semitic and white supremacist ideology; 2 the alt lite, a loosely-connected movement whose adherents generally shun white supremacist thinking, but who are in step with the alt right in their hatred of immigrants, among others; 3 the militia movement; and 4 anti-Muslim extremists.

All of these groups promote a hysteric, negative view of immigrants. They fervently oppose all forms of immigration, including legal and regulated immigration. Anti-immigrant groups have a perspective on immigration that tends to marginalize immigrants and use arguments and rhetoric that distort the public debate over immigration, often through disinformation that foments fear.

While most of these groups are nonviolent, their rhetoric and ideas may inspire hate-motivated violence. Not only does this help shield them from public scrutiny for their extremist views, but also gains them support, as they link their xenophobic philosophies to causes mainstream audiences care about.

Some anti-immigrant activists, for example, have embraced the Atzlan or Reconquista conspiracy theory—the idea that Mexican immigrants are plotting to take over the Southwestern part of the United States. Some anti-immigrant groups and activists claim that a great number of Muslim immigrants and refugees are terrorists or sympathetic to terrorism. Many of the myths focus on undocumented immigrants. One is that undocumented immigrants hurt the U. In the U. In addition to buying American and local products, which help create jobs, undocumented immigrants often start their own businesses.

Some studies 21 have shown that on average, undocumented immigrants pay more in taxes than they receive in benefits, meaning the taxes they pay more than cover the cost of things like public education and healthcare.

Another prevalent myth links undocumented immigrants to increased crime and violence. Even though multiple studies show that undocumented immigration do not bring increased crime, many anti-immigrant groups and pundits claim the opposite. A number of government officials have also suggested the violent MS gang is representative of Latino immigrants. Another popular myth is that undocumented immigrants are bringing diseases into the U.

However, there is no evidence that immigrants have been the source of any modern outbreaks in this country. Despite the fact that many of these assertions about immigrants are false, anti-immigrant groups continue to promote them, generating unfounded fear and hatred towards immigrants. The following profiles of anti-immigrant groups demonstrate how and why they have been able to promote extreme views on immigration while presenting themselves as legitimate opponents of immigration.

These groups often demonize non-white immigrants with bigoted, stereotyped comments, blame them for a variety of societal ills and ascribe the actions of a small number of immigrants to all immigrants.

In addition to influencing policy-makers and government officials, many of these anti-immigrant groups are well-funded and able to get their anti-immigrant message out to large audiences. Its website alleges a causal relationship between immigration and American societal ills, including crime rates, 32 environmental degradation 33 and wage stagnation. FAIR developed other anti-immigration front groups in order to broaden the demographics of its movement and shield itself from accusations of racism.

CIS staff have also promoted their views in racist publications and on an anti-Semitic radio show. Lutton has ties to the Council of Conservative Citizens, a long-established white supremacist group and the Charles Martel Society, which publishes racist and anti-Semitic works. The articles from the CIS staffers appeared alongside those written by racists with ties to white supremacist and anti-Semitic groups.

The show focused on immigration. Over the years, CIS has continually and energetically promoted the writings of racists. In , Beck addressed the national conference of the white supremacist Council of Conservative Citizens. Espinoza has ties to right-wing extremists. The Remembrance Project has been embraced by President Donald Trump since the start of his presidential campaign in During the election, members of The Remembrance Project could be seen standing alongside then-candidate Trump on stage while he spoke about his proposed strict immigration policies.

The apostle of pure administrative power, Joseph-the-assimilator gives way to Moses-the-lawgiver. Yet—now to enter into conversation with the author—I am surprised that Wildavsky does not go farther.

For one thing, Wildavsky does not make enough of his own contrast between Joseph-the-administrator and Moses-the-political-leader. One would have thought that a political scientist would leap at the chance to expound the differences between administration and statesmanship, and to explore the soul types and world views to which they are related. In the person of Joseph, grand vizier of Egypt, the biblical author not only anticipated but as it were refuted the dream of Karl Marx that rule over men would eventually be replaced by the administration of things, once human intelligence through the technological mastery of nature and the rationalized restructuring of society overcomes scarcity and class conflict.

This apolitical dream generally becomes a political nightmare, yielding not liberation but despotism. It takes a Moses, a spirited and erotic man who is also capable of awe, to lead the people into freedom, not only from Egyptian rule but from their own destructive tendencies, primarily by the supreme act of statesmanship, the giving of law, informed by reverence for God.

Administrators, being neither statesmen nor priests, necessarily tend to assimilate. Indeed, as the biblical land of good and plenty, Egypt is the natural home for the administrative outlook and hence stands as the antithesis of—and the permanent alternative to—the Jewish way.

Biblical Egypt is civilization at its peak. Thanks both to the Nile and to highly developed technical and administrative skill, Egypt is an agricultural paradise, capable of sustaining the entire region.

At bottom, Egyptian rationalization of the world seeks the denial or mastery of death, evidenced in the elaborate practice of embalming. In Egypt, man Pharaoh is but the exemplar naturally goes in place of God. American officers found them so helpful they created an additional four companies and eventually had over ten thousand serving as auxiliaries to U. Building upon these forces, American operatives created a secret service agency, whose primary aim was to detect plots against the government and defuse them.

In aiding U. As the historian Jeremy Kuzmarov notes, the various programs the U. Army relied on its previous experiences battling indigenous Americans to defeat the Filipino insurgents. As the historian Walter Williams has observed, U. Between February and late October Aguinaldo fought U. Fighting between the two sides largely occurred on the island of Luzon, including the capital, Manila, and the towns of Malolos and Tarlac.

Armed with inferior weapons and lacking ammunition, Aguinaldo realized that continuing with the same strategy would lead to certain defeat; hence he launched a guerrilla war against the U. The head of the Filipino resistance did not seek to win a decisive victory. Rather, conscious that many Americans were opposed to the acquisition of the Philippines, Aguinaldo sought to undermine the U.

Members of the 9th Cavalry unit. Filipino rebels tried to exploit these grievances and ambiguities by disseminating flyers and posters to convince African-American troops to desert. The war, in fact, coincided with an explosion of lynching in the Southern U. Insurgent propaganda depicted the conflict as an unjust racial war and highlighted the affinities between the two peoples. The most notorious of them, Private David Fagen, became a captain in the insurgent army and had a bounty placed on his head.

His death remains a subject of dispute. An ambush on Feb. Out in the field, as the rebellion continued, officers began shifting toward employing more forceful tactics, especially after the election of As the historian Richard Welch notes, American hatred for Filipinos clearly accelerated when the war moved into this stage. Wells, a correspondent for the New York Evening Post, succinctly captured the racist underpinnings of this view when he wrote:.

Since the Filipinos allegedly lacked the trappings of civilization, they were not owed the restraints of war offered to civilized opponents. The razing of towns by U. Although there was no formally ratified international law governing the conduct of war, there were rules of warfare for the U. Written during the Civil War. General Orders attempted to strike a balance between moderation and reconciliation, on the one hand, and blunt force on the other. As the U.

Republican campaign message, U. In May , approximately six months before the presidential election, McKinley relieved General Otis of duty, supposedly at his own request. After the change of command ceremony, a reporter asked the departing general if the U. Otis did not disappoint his critics.

I cannot see where it is possible for the guerrillas to effect any reorganization, concentrate any force or accomplish anything serious. In both cases, the conflict had only begun.

General Arthur MacArthur. In December, MacArthur ordered U. The Americans employed torture, executed prisoners, raped women, looted villages, and destroyed the rural economy. The most notorious examples of these tactics were applied in force on the islands of Samar and Luzon.

Our men have been relentless; have killed to exterminate men, women, children, prisoners and captives, active insurgents and suspected people, lads of ten and up, an idea prevailing that the Filipino, as such was little better than a dog, a noisome reptile in some instances, whose best disposition was the rubbish heap.

The only thing they know is force, violence, and brutality, and we give it to them. Major General Adna R. The repression intensified under the new commanding general, Adna Chaffee, who replaced MacArthur on July 1, Smith promised swift retaliation.

I wish you to kill and burn, the more you kill and burn the better you will please me. Franklin Bell. General J. Franklin Bell focused on defeating insurgents in the southern part of Luzon by depriving them of food and civilian support.

This required the large-scale use of reconcentration in the area around Batangas. Old men, women, and children will be sent to towns. Anything outside of the camps was destroyed — houses, livestock, food, and whatever other items could conceivably be used to support the insurgents. Malnutrition and disease spread through the camps and the countryside, particularly cholera, dysentery, and smallpox.

Bell nevertheless regarded the campaign as a military success, as his Filipino antagonist, Miguel Malvar, surrendered in April after enduring many desertions. Reconcentration camp in southwestern Luzon. The purpose of the reconcentration centers was to separate insurgents from civilians and deny the insurgents access to food, intelligence, shelter, and other essential items. It was their source of strength but also a source of weakness since they were dependent upon civilians for all their needs.

All Filipinos who failed to offer active assistance to U. Essentially, this practice was similar to what General Valeriano Weyler had done in Cuba, which had aroused so much anger in the United States. They censored reporter dispatches but word nonetheless leaked out. Photo of U. Rumors of U. Suspects under interrogation had water forced down their throats to simulate drowning. One of the first reports was sent by a soldier to the Omaha World in April They swell up like toads. Cartoon: European imperialists watch with approval as U.

This practice increased during the last twenty months of the war, especially on the island of Samar. For the first three years of the war, reports of atrocities by U.

It was difficult for reporters to provide concrete proof of American misconduct and any allegations of such prompted vehement denials and accusations of disloyalty by administration officials, military leaders, and the pro-imperialist press. Censorship also increased as American tactics grew harsher. Jacob H. As American atrocities became more widespread and egregious, however, unfiltered reports by journalists and letters from soldiers became more frequent, eroding the edifice of denial erected by the administration and its supporters.

Herbert Welsh, the editor of City and State , played a prominent role in uncovering abuses committed by American troops. Welsh and his assistants tracked down veterans to obtain their testimony. Mark Twain issued several searing critiques. True, we have crushed a deceived and confiding people; we have turned against the weak and the friendless who trusted us; we have stamped out a just and intelligent and well-ordered republic … but each detail was for the best.

We know this…. This world-girdling accumulation of trained morals, high principles, and justice, cannot do an unright thing, an unfair thing, an ungenerous thing, an unclean thing. It knows what it is about. Give yourself no uneasiness; it is all right. Anti-imperialist poetry was one way to spread the message. The anti-Imperialist movement continued to organize and agitate, raising awareness of the costs and contradictions of U.

Women, especially suffragists, increasingly joined the cause. Others noted the affinity between colonized peoples and themselves, as neither had voting rights. As news of atrocities in the Philippines spread, anti-imperialist women and men used the medium of poetry to convey their messages, a common form of political communication at the time.

The committee requested the testimony of current and former senior officials to disprove the various allegations. Senior officers who testified feigned ignorance or downplayed the atrocities. Several, including General MacArthur, stumbled through their testimonies. When asked by a critical senator to explain the disparity in the ratio of killed to wounded, the general attributed the figures to American marksmanship.

Interestingly, an army study noted that target practice efficiency was less than thirty percent. Despite the best efforts of Senator Lodge and company to dismiss allegations of wrongdoing, numerous atrocities committed by U.

Commissioner William Howard Taft acknowledged under questioning that U. Corporal Cyrus Ricketts told the committee he had witnessed the murder of insurgents who had surrendered, although his superiors had denied it. Brigadier General Robert Hughes, the U.

If fact, there was no serious punishment of those who committed war crimes. Bell and Waller, who had respectively carried out extermination campaigns on the islands of Luzon and Samar, were exonerated in March , based on their defense that they were only following orders — an argument that would later be rejected by the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunal. He was given a one-month suspension and fined fifty dollars. He went on to become a Major General. Memorial Day address, May 30, Roosevelt took the lead in the counteroffensive against the critics of his Philippine policy.

He gave a speech on Memorial Day at Arlington National Cemetery, repeating many of the same arguments made by Lodge weeks earlier, including that American soldiers had operated with considerable restraint. He reminded his audience that the United States was engaged in a truly lofty and noble pursuit — spreading American civilization to semi-civilized people. But once again, the abuses committed were few and far between, according to Roosevelt; humanity, not severity, marked the conduct of U.

On July 4, , less than one week after the Senate hearings adjourned, President Roosevelt officially declared victory in the Philippines. The war, in fact, was not over, as fighting in the southern provinces continued until ; but the fall elections were approaching and Roosevelt did not want the burdens of the war to diminish Republican political prospects.

While the anti-imperialists did not defeat the Treaty of Paris or end the U. Their criticism forced the McKinley administration to openly disavow and possibly scale back its imperialist intentions. Reports of soldier abuses also highlighted the moral costs associated with imperialism.

The exposure of these cruelties helped to dissipate public support for further colonial possessions. The anti-imperialist critique of the tangible costs of empire and its illusory benefits also proved prescient. It took the United States approximately three and a half years to crush the resistance in the greater part of the Philippines.

American troops found themselves fighting an opponent whose culture and language they did not comprehend, and for many, had no interest in understanding. They also quickly discovered how difficult it could be to distinguish friendly civilians from guerrillas. Combined with racial prejudices and the frustrations of a counterinsurgency war, U. In an effort to keep the American public in the dark about these atrocities, Roosevelt, Lodge, and the generals engaged in systematic censorship, denial, and intimidation of those who revealed them, undermining Constitutional principles regarding a free press.

For example, Filipinos served as auxiliaries to American forces or for internal security. Advances in weaponry over the sixty year interval made the Vietnam War much more lethal, with civilian deaths approaching 2,, in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia , as compared to , in the Philippines.

Stamp honoring Philippine Independence Day, June 12, In both cases, the U. Both borrowed from the U. Declaration of Independence in writing their own national declarations of independence. That the U. Americans today are habituated to the idea that wherever U. This profound contradiction is arguably the main reason why the U. The historical literature on the War of and the U. Cuban historians have never accepted this triumphal American version of the war.

Worse still, many Cubans could not escape the sense that they themselves had served as unwitting accomplices to their own undoing. The turn of events was more than disappointment; it was deception…. The intense, four-year debate over U. It continued to resonate in historical accounts of the war. During the s, for example, two prominent Americans with experience in the Philippines presented contrary verdicts. James H. Blount served as an officer in the U.

Volunteers in the Philippines from to , and as a U. District Judge there from to Worcester served as Secretary of the Interior in the Philippines from to , and was a member of the Philippine Commission during those years.

Statue honoring Emilio Aguinaldo in Cavite. Contrary views were again on display in two books published in Lichauco of the Harvard Law School challenge not only official statements but also underlying rationales for imperialism; for example, that without the guiding hand of the United States the Philippines would erupt into chaos and civil war after the Spanish departed.

But more blood was shed in the Filipino-American war that ensued than in the three hundred years of Spanish oppression. Yet, inexplicably, the Filipinos seem ungrateful. Since the s much historiography has been done on the U.

The Philippine-American War is not the sort of topic the Filipino public likes to talk about: To imagine Filipinos warring with Americans simply contradicts the dominant tropes of the Philippine-American relationship.

The United States established an overseas empire in the aftermath of the War of Historians have grappled with this paradox: how did a supposed revolutionary nation born out of a struggle against empire embrace an imperial role?

Did this represent a great departure from previous U. More recently, President George W. Bush denied that the U. Our nation is committed to freedom for ourselves and others. The resurgence of violence in Afghanistan, global recession, and increasing destabilization as the result of conflict and resource shortages in Syria and elsewhere placed a further strain on the empire-building spirit.

The British historian Eric Hobsbawm argued in that the current period of American dominance cannot last, viewing it as the last stage of Western imperialism. The age of empires is dead. We shall find another way of organizing the globalized world of the twenty-first century. Berger, ed. Dee, , Elsewhere Tone notes with irony that a Cuban physician, Carlos Finlay, had demonstrated in that certain types of mosquitoes carry the yellow fever virus, and thus he recommended mosquito eradication and protection to eliminate the disease.

Francia, eds. Of those 24 Democrats, 17 were from the South and border states. Garcia, , GPO , Long after the war, textbooks used by American authorities portrayed the resistance as a waste of effort and one that was best forgotten. Army Center of Military History, Army and Counterinsurgency in the Philippine War , Army Counterinsurgency and Contingency Operations Doctrine , The guerrillas were also guilty of committing atrocities, including killing government collaborators, supporters, and even brigands not affiliated with the guerrillas.

Both Birtle and Linn argue that these sorts of atrocities weakened popular support for the rebels. Sharpe, , Hoban and Thomas G. The author was the first-cousin once removed of U.

President Theodore Roosevelt. Field, Jr. Beisner in a separate article in the same journal issue. From continental to overseas expansion. The Cuban War for Independence. Did you know?

In the War of , the U. In the Philippines, the U. Andrew Carnegie, the steel titan, offered to pay the U. In February , fighting broke out between occupying U. Whereas the U. Senate inquiry in early revealed that U. Among the critics of the U. The great irony of the War of is that many Americans supported U. The Cuban Revolution, which began in , elicited sympathy among Americans for the cause of Cuba Libre.

The brutal Spanish response to it, which included relocating civilians into fortified towns reconcentration where they died by the thousands from disease or starvation, evoked outrage and prompted calls for U. The mysterious explosion of the U. In the aftermath of the War of , U. It was as if France, having intervened in the American war of independence, had demanded a naval base on Long Island and the right to send in troops whenever it deemed it necessary. Had this happened, the U.